Obama can’t neglect Pakistan for four more years
Pakistan
and Afghanistan look on the spectacular landslide re-election of Barack Obama
for a second term as US president with some trepidation. Pakistan has just come
out of a nine-month breakdown of all talks with the US, the worst state the two
countries relationship has been in for 60 years. Pakistan thinks the US under
Mr Obama has no strategy, while the US thinks Pakistan lies as it continues to
harbour extremists. Mr Obama has frequently called Pakistan his biggest
headache but he has been unable to come up with a satisfying painkiller.
In
Afghanistan, a war of words has persisted between Obama officials and President
Hamid Karzai. Washington has in effect told the Afghan President to be quiet
and be grateful for the sacrifices that the US is making. Mr Karzai keeps
reminding everyone that he enjoyed better days with George W. Bush and that Mr
Obama has tried to undermine him.
For
leaders of both countries, Mr Obama’s first term has been the worst of all
possible worlds, periodically using carrot or stick to drag Islamabad and Kabul
into line, but often using threats without clear strategic goals. Moreover,
acts declared as victories by the US such as the killing of Osama bin Laden,
the start of the US troop withdrawal from Afghanistan or the refusal to provide
the Afghan army with heavy weapons have been viewed with enormous suspicion by
Pakistan and Afghanistan.
In
Washington, the problems have been magnified by internal rivalries. Mr Obama
had allowed the US military to run his policies towards Pakistan and
Afghanistan – starting with the surge in Afghanistan in 2009 and then planning
for the US withdrawal in 2014. More important political strategies such as
talking to the Taliban, making sure free and fair elections are held in
Afghanistan and Pakistan and trying to revive relations with Islamabad have
been run by a weak state department, stymied by the lack of presidential
support.
Now
Mr Obama gets a chance to do things differently. What should he do?
Well,
for starters, everything.
If
the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014 is high on his agenda than he should
prioritise talks with the Taliban that would aim for a ceasefire between all
sides before troops depart and before Afghan presidential elections are held in
April of that year.
Many
of the Taliban leaders have become advocates for a political settlement rather
than a bloody power grab for Kabul that the Taliban know would prompt a civil
war they cannot win.
Last
year’s US-Taliban talks broke down, partly because the military and the CIA in
Washington undermined them. Now US officials say all parts of the
administration are on board. Mr Obama needs to swiftly compose a team of
experts and diplomats and enlist the help of some European countries to talk to
the Taliban with the aim of reducing violence in Afghanistan in a step-by-step
process that could lead to a ceasefire. Another major diplomatic effort is also
needed to revive talks with all neighbouring states, including Iran and
Pakistan, about a non-interference regional pact that would protect
Afghanistan.
Despite
the country’s internal chaos, a clear US strategy to talk to the Afghan Taliban
leaders based in Pakistan would be attractive to the warring military, judicial
and political factions. That is especially so for the military, which is now
feeling the heat from the growing threat posed by the Pakistani Taliban. A US
dialogue to achieve a cease fire in Afghanistan that includes Pakistani
participation may act as a glue to help bind the bickering Pakistani
establishment.
The
new Obama administration needs to re-engage with Pakistan on all fronts but
particularly to help it deal with the growing internal jihadist threat and that
includes helping Pakistan devise a comprehensive policy to disarm the
anti-Indian extremist groups that inhabit the important province of Punjab. On
its own and without financial help Pakistan is presently incapable of devising
any such strategy. And if left out of any peace equation in Afghanistan, its
intelligence agencies will be tempted to act as spoilers rather than healers.
At
the beginning of his first administration Mr Obama took several positive steps
to try and ease tensions between the US and the broader Muslim world but there
was no follow through by the White House or the State Department. Events such
as the Arab Spring, the civil war in Syria and the worsening relations with
Iran overwhelmed those early initiatives. There was no effort to deal with the
Israeli-Palestinian quagmire.
What is needed is a more consistent, more deeply engaged and well led
political-diplomatic effort by the US in the broader Muslim world in which the
newly elected President Obama is more involved in than what he has been in the
past four years.
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